25 October 2006

DOES THIS SOUND FAMILIAR?

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Vietnamization

Nixon was elected President and began his policy of slow disengagement from the war. The goal was to gradually build up the South Vietnamese Army so that it could fight the war on its own. This policy became the cornerstone of the so-called "Nixon Doctrine". As applied to Vietnam, the doctrine was called "Vietnamization".

During this period, the United States conducted a gradual troop withdrawal from Vietnam. Nixon continued to use air power to bomb North Vietnam and Viet Cong forces in the south. The U.S. also attempted to disrupt North Vietnam's supply system by attacking the Ho Chi Minh Trail in the lead-up to withdrawal. The U.S. attacked North Vietnamese bases inside Cambodia, used its influence to achieve a change in government in Cambodia that led to the closing of Cambodian ports to North Vietnamese war supplies, and persuaded South Vietnam to launch a massive but ultimately unsuccessful operation into Laos to shut down the part of the Ho Chi Minh trail that traversed that country. More bombs were dropped on Vietnam under the Nixon presidency than under Johnson's, and U.S. casualties fell significantly. The Nixon administration was determined to remove U.S. troops from the theater while strengthening the ability of the ARVN to defend the south.

One of Nixon's main foreign policy goals had been the achievement of a breakthrough in U.S. relations with China and the Soviet Union. An avowed anti-communist early in his political career, Nixon could make diplomatic overtures to the Russian and Chinese communists without being accused of having communist sympathies. The result of those overtures was an era of détente that led to nuclear arms reductions in the U.S. and Soviet Union and the beginnings of a dialogue with China. In this context, Nixon viewed the Vietnam War as simply another limited conflict forming part of a bigger tapestry of superpower relations; however, he was still doggedly determined to preserve South Vietnam until such times as he could not be blamed for what he saw as its inevitable collapse (a "decent interval"). To this end he and his National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger employed the Chinese and Soviet foreign policy gambits to successfully defuse some of the anti-war opposition at home and secured movement at the negotiating table in Paris.

China and the U.S.S.R. had been the principal backers of the Vietnam People's Army through large amounts of military and financial support. The two communist powers competed with one another to prove their "fraternal socialist links" with the communist regime in the north. That support would increase in the years leading up to the U.S. departure in 1973, enabling the North Vietnamese to mount a full-scale conventional war against the south, complete with tanks, upgraded jet fighters, and a modern fuel pipeline snaking through parts of Laos and North Vietnam.

Nixon was roundly criticized for his heavy bombing of Hanoi in December 1972, which was partly facilitated by his diplomatic overtures to China, and which followed a breakdown in the Paris peace talks after peace appeared close at hand. Agreement had been reached in October 1972 between Kissinger and chief North Vietnamese negotiator Le Duc Tho, but the agreement was rejected by South Vietnamese President Thieu, who demanded dozens of changes to the text, including the critical demand that North Vietnamese troops had to withdraw from South Vietnam. The North Vietnamese rejected this, and then countered with many changes of their own. Nixon responded with Operation Linebacker II, which was condemned by one journalist as "war by tantrum." The bombing of Hanoi did, however, pressure North Vietnam back to the negotiating table, allowing America, and Nixon, a face-saving, or "decent interval", exit

20 October 2006

THE BEGINNING

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Here are the parts of the House Resolution to go to war. See any lies?

The Resolution cited several factors to justify action:

  • Iraq's noncompliance with the conditions of the 1991 cease fire, including interference with weapons inspectors
  • Iraq's alleged weapons of mass destruction, and programs to develop such weapons, posed a "threat to the national security of the United States and international peace and security in the Persian Gulf region"
  • Iraq's "brutal repression of its civilian population"
  • Iraq's "capability and willingness to use weapons of mass destruction against other nations and its own people"
  • Iraq's hostility towards the United States as demonstrated by the 1993 assassination attempt of former President George H. W. Bush, and firing on coalition aircraft enforcing the no-fly zones following the 1991 Gulf War
  • Members of al-Qaida were "known to be in Iraq"
  • Iraq's "continu[ing] to aid and harbor other international terrorist organizations," including anti-United States terrorist organizations
  • Fear that Iraq would provide weapons of mass destruction to terrorists for use against the United States
  • The efforts by the Congress and the President to fight the 9/11 terrorists and those who aided or harbored them
  • The authorization by the Constitution and the Congress for the President to fight anti-United States terrorism

14 October 2006

TODAY 14/10/06

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Al-Sistani's influence declining in Iraq

By HAMZA HENDAWI, Associated Press WriterFri Oct 13, 4:47 PM ET

Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani once wielded so much influence he seemed to single-handedly chart the post-Saddam Hussein political future in Iraq. Now, the country's top Shiite cleric appears powerless as Iraq edges toward civil war.

With dozens of Iraqis dying daily from Sunni-Shiite reprisal killings, the failures of al-Sistani's pleas for peace underline a major power shift in the Shiite establishment.

"Their political interests now outweigh religious interests," said Mustapha al-Ani, a Dubai-based Iraqi analyst. "To some extent, the need for al-Sistani's endorsement is no longer a prerequisite to gain power. Those with street credibility and a militia now have the power."

It's a major shift from the more than two years following Saddam's ouster, when Shiite leaders hung on al-Sistani's every word concerning politics. His opposition to U.S. plans for elections and a constitution forced the Americans to make dramatic changes. His calls for Shiites to avoid violence were largely adhered to.

But priorities for Shiite political parties have changed and their leaders no longer appear to feel the need to be seen to be closely associated with al-Sistani to gain legitimacy.

The swing has stripped the Shiite clergy, with the Iranian-born al-Sistani at its head, of much of its influence and given a lead role to followers of anti-U.S. cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, who does not recognize al-Sistani's religious authority.

It is a power shift that does not bode well for Iraq's Shiite-dominated government or the U.S.-led military coalition as they try to contain the stubborn Sunni insurgency and the wave of sectarian killings that has swelled since last winter.

Al-Sadr's supporters are widely suspected in many of the attacks on Sunni Arabs. His militiamen, who staged two revolts against U.S. troops in 2004, also have clashed with U.S. and Iraqi soldiers in Baghdad and southern Iraq in recent weeks.

Al-Sistani has responded to the bloodshed with a mixture of resignation and a deep sense of disappointment, said an official who is in regular contact with al-Sistani in the southern holy city of Najaf.

"He keeps praying for peace," said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the media. "He feels the pain every day, but he has no magic wand. He tells visitors every day that what's happening does not please God or his prophet and has nothing to do with Islamic teachings."

Al-Sistani's last public statement on the crisis in Iraq came more than three months ago, when after a meeting with Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, he publicly upbraided the leader for the government's failure to bring security.

Although al-Sistani has steadfastly refused to meet with U.S. officials, he counseled Shiites not to take up arms against the Americans. In 2004, he personally intervened to broker a truce that ended weeks of fighting between al-Sadr's militiamen and the U.S. military in Najaf.

In statements earlier this year, al-Sistani emotionally appealed for peace between the Shiite majority and the once-dominant Sunni minority.

The cleric, who is in his mid-70s and suffers from a heart condition, sets aside 90 minutes every day to receive visitors and well-wishers and without fail he urges them to work for an end to the bloodshed, said the official close to al-Sistani.

The visitors are mostly tribal chiefs or public figures but include less prominent Shiites. The flow of visitors shows that reverence for al-Sistani as a religious figure remains strong — but the continuing violence is a sign of his waning political leverage.

Iraq's main media give significantly less coverage to al-Sistani than they did a year ago. Portrait posters of al-Sadr in the streets of Baghdad as well as the mainly Shiite south now far outnumber those of al-Sistani.

Previously, Shiite politicians could hardly make a major decision without traveling to al-Sistani's office in Najaf to get his opinion or seek his endorsement.

When the United States tried to put off elections, al-Sistani's insistence on the vote — and mass protests he called for — forced a change of heart in Washington and elections were held in January and December 2005.

The January 2005 election produced a parliament that drafted a new constitution adopted in a referendum last October. A second election, for a full, four-year legislature, was held last December.

Al-Sistani was credited for the high Shiite turnout in all three votes. But the dismal performance of the two Shiite-led governments produced by last year's elections chipped away at his prestige since it was his support that brought them to power.

The governments' failures drove many Shiites away from moderates and into the camps of radicals like al-Sadr, whose militia — the Mahdi Army — controls Baghdad's teeming Shiite district of Sadr City and a string of Shiite towns across central and southern Iraq.

"After the elections and the referendum, people as well as the marjayiah (top Shiite clergy) expected life to be rosy, but all we got was trouble," said the official in contact with al-Sistani.

Vali Nasr, who lectures on Islamic affairs at the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, Calif., believes al-Sistani's involvement in politics hurt his standing.

"In some ways, his authority has gone down and he lost control of the political process," Nasr said.

___

Associated Press writer Qassim Abdul-Zahra contributed to this report.

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04 October 2006

ON THIS DAY IN 4/10/06

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Break me off a piece of that phunk;

Foley is nw claiming he was molestered by a clergyman from age 13 to 15; and his lawyer says he is no pedaphile. Oh really?

Rice is in the ME meeting with Arab moderates.

Nevada has a prop on the ballot to legalize "weed"--the rush is lead by church groups and citizens.

14 soldiers killed the first 3 days of Oct.

02 October 2006

RANTS FOR 10/2/06

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Palestinians are shooting themselves in the foot again.

Tony Snow on CNN says of Woodward's book, " Iraq and Afghanistan are practicing democracy and are beacons for the ME. " Has anyone asked the Iraqi people what they think of democracy? NO! Instead the talks are with scholars and politicians, who, at best, are self-serving. According to Snow, all these people say Iraq is moving forward. WHO BELIEVES THIS? May I see a show of hands?

Foley--what can be said? He thought he was above reproach. And as such got caught with his pecker in his hand.

MORNING

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DO NOT pay the ransom--I escaped!

Again I have been derelect in my duty, I have been reading newspapers. WHY? The visual media is too ate up with fluff. I do not give a shit about whose baby is bornor a polygamist or any thing else that has no bearing on my life--SO I read.

I promise to try to get back to posting on my blog.